My Modest Intention
An interview with Amos Vogel
by Egon Humer
I was born in 1921. Certainly in the beginning I had a relatively quiet and peaceful childhood. My father was a lawyer and my mother was a kindergarten teacher. In fact she worked with Alfred Adler, a close disciple of Freud at the time. She was one of the first who opened kindergartens in Austria after the end of the First World War. We lived in the 9th district in a fairly nice middle-class apartment. Several rooms, bedrooms, dining room.
I did quite well at school. I loved my teacher. I had the same teacher all the years I was there and it seemed that everything was going to progress very peacefully. I guess it is a good lesson for the rest of my life to find out that it was not to be.
I was very much aware of the abyss between rich and poor. I was very upset about it and from that came an interest in politics in general. My parents were both socialists and so it was natural that political books or books dealing with such subjects should come into the home. I was very interested in them. The first very important thing that happened was the transformation of Austrian democracy into a very different kind of regime. I would say a kind of a semi-fascist regime, under Dollfuss and Schuschnigg. Of course the most important event was the civil war in Austria in 1934. I was very much effected by that event. It was a very dramatic experience for me because they were using cannons and other kinds of military weapons against the workers of Vienna. I saw the damage that was brought about in the city and also found out about the many people who got killed. At that time there were also circulating illegal newspapers and magazines brought out by the Socialists and Left-wingers who at that time had already been declared illegal by Dolfuss. That, for the first time, brought me face to face with the fact that there is more than just a happy middle-class-family life. I saw that there is something bigger, called society.
After those four years, my parents enrolled me in the Piaristen-Gymnasium because they considered it to be the best in Vienna. I probably hated it from the first day I got there but spent the next seven years there. The school was situated on the grounds of a former monastery and many of the professors were priests or former priests. I found it to be very totalitarian. I hate to use that word but it was really true about many of the teachers and many of the situations I was confronted by there. I did not fit comfortably into that kind of school, much to the surprise of my parents. My grades at the beginning were quite good, and always excellent when it came to German and literature. From the very beginning I was good at writing, at using the language. I loved the language.
I began to get worse and worse in other areas however, and was not at all interested really in studying Latin and Greek for six or seven years, I must confess. At the time I felt that it was quite useless to learn dead languages.
The other thing that happened was that this new regime, the Dollfuss and Schuschnigg regime, began to be very dictatorial, taking over more and more areas of human interest or endeavour. They wanted to control things very carefully, so that the ideology of that regime in Austria – it was an illegal government at the time – began to be very inhospitable, shall we say, to certain ideas I was very interested in.
Of course there was a very strong influence of the Catholic Church in Austria, which expressed itself in various ways, for example, its attitude towards sex. Birth control and things of that sort could not be talked about, and of course all this affected us at school. By the way, this was an all-boy school, something that I am very much against. I think it is a mistake to separate the sexes out like that. It is much better in terms of their future happiness to have them together and to learn to deal with each other, which was not true in our case. We were very separated.
Then there was a strong drive toward militarism. They already wanted us to do pre-military exercises in school and of course only one opinion, namely the opinion of the state, was legal. All other opinions, no matter what they were, whether they were liberal or socialist or communist or anarchist or whatever you want to think of, were illegal. I remember that I once got into trouble. My crime consisted of discussing socialism with a fellow student. There was a trial at which I was confronted by a bunch of professors who judged me for having dared to discuss political subjects like that and they gave me – in German it is called Karzer – lock-up, detention – which meant for several days I had to remain in school for several hours after school as punishment. One poor professor had to sit with me to supervise that I was really there. I remember that I brought books with me, including The 42nd Parallel by John Dos Passos, the radical book about America. So I read that for hours while this professor was sitting there, watching that I would not do anything wrong or whatever. It was pretty disgusting.
I was very much aware of two other things at that time in relation to politics. One was the question of the Soviet Union and the other one was Hitler’s Germany. The interesting thing is that already at age thirteen – and I know it was at age thirteen because I have certain documents, certain things I wrote and read at the time – I was already against Stalin and considered as complete fakery the so-called ‘show trials’ in the Soviet Union against the former leadership of the Communist revolution in the Soviet Union. I was an anti-Stalinist who at the same time considered himself to be a radical socialist.
It is also curious and interesting, when I think back to that period, that I was able, in Vienna, under the Schuschnigg government, to read a great many illegal newspapers. They were illegally produced and distributed, and somehow I was able to get them and read them. I learned a great deal from them because they carried news not available in the public press. The other things I learned very early on was that there was something terrible happening in Germany. I was very aware that Hitler had taken over in Germany, and was very afraid of it from the point of view of being a Jew, but also very opposed to it from the point of view of being a human being. To me it looked like a reactionary system that was ten thousand times worse than the system we had in Vienna.
I became a member of the Zionist-Socialist youth group ‘Brith Bilu.’ I began to get interested in the idea of a Jewish homeland in Israel. But what was equally important, perhaps more important, was that I was able to create a circle of friends there who first of all were more or less in agreement with each other on many questions, which was not true of many of the people I knew at school, for example. In addition there also were girls there, and I loved the whole life that was being led in that youth group. There was lots of discussions, lots of celebrations, and singing and dancing. By dancing I do not mean regular social dancing. In fact the youth group was opposed to social dancing. They thought it was a bad thing: bourgeois. What we danced was the ‘hora,’ a kind of group dance which went on for hours. So this youth movement became an important influence in my life and I began to spend more and more time there.
What I have not been able to describe to you yet is the atmosphere under the Schuschnigg government. To me it was a very upsetting and very negative atmosphere. It was sort of like a thick blanket thrown over all of us, and we were being held down. I am afraid that I see a great similarity between what I experienced in Vienna in those days and the Anschluss, the annexation of Austria by Hitler. Of course under the Schuschnigg regime there was strong anti-Semitism, particularly among the right-wing and the people around the government. I am afraid I see a great deal of that now in the United States where we now also have a very powerful conservative movement led by the Republican Party, but also outside the Republican Party: the religious right-wing, the Born-Again Christians.
I have my own explanation of anti-Semitism in Austria. I can only give you my own feelings about this. Unfortunately I think a great deal of it has to do with Catholicism, the fact that there is a religion that said there is a group of people called the Jews who had killed their God. I cannot think of a better reason to be against that group of people once you feel that this is the truth. This is the way religion was taught in Vienna schools when I was there, and had been taught for centuries. Much of it also had to do with the fact of ‘otherness,’ meaning somebody who is different from you and me, and because he is different from you and me is no good. And because he is no good we are against him. All this encourages anti-Semitism. The other thing that was bad was that in school one of the subjects was ‘religion.’ Just like the subject ‘geography,’ there was a subject called ‘religion,’ which meant that every week all of a sudden the nine Jews in our class would get up and leave the classroom. We went to another classroom where we had a teacher who tried to teach us Jewish religion and then, at the end of the hour, we came back into the main classroom. It was a system that certainly contributed to a separation, a kind of alienation, of being different, if not anti-Semitism itself.
So the atmosphere was one in which free discussion of issues was not only not encouraged, but was actively discouraged and forbidden. We were all held down, all of us. I am not only speaking about myself now. I mean the entire student body and all the professors. I should also say that among the professors there were certainly several who were wonderful people and whom I loved very dearly.
Anti-Semitism always existed in Austria. It did not exist in the form of state policy which sought to eliminate all Jews from all professions and positions of influence, but in the desire to eliminate the so-called ‘Jewish influence’ from society. Society should be cleansed of it. In that sense it was really very similar to what Hitler said in Germany, except for the fact that under Schuschnigg there was obviously no call to kill Jews, even if there were individuals in Vienna and in Austria who would have liked nothing better to do just that. It’s very important to understand that it was not government policy to kills Jews. This is a very important distinction. I did not realize how important it was until later.
There is a very important point that needs to be made here. There seems to be a human need to put the best face on a bad situation and to make it look better than it is, because it is your life and you don’t want to admit that you are in a very dangerous position. For example, the question that often comes up is why did the Jews in Germany between 1933 and 1937 not ‘voluntarily’ leave? First, it was not easy to leave, and we’ll come to that when we talk about my emigration from Austria. During those four or five years the Jews in Germany would have had the possibility to emigrate, but making this decision was an extremely difficult thing to do. How do you pick up yourself and your entire family and go to another country where you don’t even know the language, and start a new existence? It was a very difficult decision, particularly for grown-ups like my parents.
My parents – seeing that Hitler was only a few hours away – could have decided to emigrate and would have been able to emigrate even before Hitler came to Austria. That was something that was talked about from time to time, but nobody really took it seriously. It was too big a step to take. It was like destroying your life, cutting it in half and saying: whatever we have done till now is of no value and we are going to give it up and we are going to go somewhere else, to some completely unknown territory. For us, America was something that was very far away. America was not as close as it is today, there were no transatlantic flights and even ideologically, philosophically, it was not as close as it is now. So who would take such a step? So we were not about to leave. By the way, in Germany the anti-Semitic measures under Hitler were put into action much more slowly than in Austria after the Anschluss. That’s very important to realize. In six month after the Anschluss, Hitler had done as much against the Jews in Austria as he had done since 1933. That’s five years. It was much faster, much more brutal. So that’s an answer to the question how much did we know about Hitler’s plans for the Jews. We knew about them. We had a pretty good idea what Hitler was up to and yet, nevertheless, we simply did not phone each other to say, “Let’s get the hell out of here if we can.”
It was totally clear to us that we had to get out, to emigrate, the moment Hitler took over. The moment of the Anschluss, we knew. You have to understand that in Austria there was a period of about, I believe, two weeks after the Anschluss where there was a very new, very interesting and unstable situation. There was a point when Schuschnigg was threatened by Hitler and told to add some Nazis to the Austrian government. Schuschnigg did this but also began to think of doing something he should have done years earlier, namely to include in the Austrian government the maybe forty percent of the population who continued to feel that they were socialists. In Vienna the socialists had the majority until the civil war in 1934, and afterwards, illegally, they continued to be very strong in Vienna. So Schuschnigg tried to make an opening to the left in Austria just before the Anschluss, and all of a sudden there was a feeling in Vienna that something was going to happen. Maybe we will be able to resist Hitler if all Austrians are represented in the government, if there is no longer a dictatorship. Jews like my parents were very excited about this. Maybe something can be done. That was less than two weeks before Hitler took over. But Schuschnigg acted too late. He even called for a plebiscite to ask whether Austrians wanted to unite with Germany or remain independent. He thought he would, at the last moment, save Austria.
So there was a very uncertain one or two week situation in Austria, and we didn’t know what to do about it. It would have been kind of crazy for us at that moment to emigrate. Maybe this whole thing was going to be okay. We had these crazy hopes. They were not realistic, in my opinion, but that’s how human beings are. You always think it’s somehow going to get better, and that’s also why the German Jews stayed in Germany between 1933 and 1938, thinking it wasn’t so bad. We can see what we will do, they said. Then, unfortunately, at a certain point, it was too late for them to go.
The moment that Hitler claimed Austria was part of Germany, right after the Anschluss, my father did a very smart thing. This wasn’t something that came to him at the last moment, but the fact that he acted as quickly as he did undoubtedly saved the life of our family: him, my mother and me. He had a brother. My father came from a large family in Poland, a little town in Poland. There were fifteen children in that family and among these fifteen there was a black sheep, somebody who did not want to go to school, unlike my father who went to Vienna University. This black sheep did not want to go to school, did not want to go to the army and instead one day picked himself up and went to America. That was still possible. We’re talking about the period of the First World War. He came to America and became an extremely rich man. He did this by washing windows in office buildings, in skyscrapers. He hired more and more people and after some time most of the public buildings in Newark, which is a large city, were being serviced by his company. He was looked down on as a kind of outcast, yet he was the person who saved not only my life but also at least half of the family on my father’s side. The way he did it was very simple. There was a legal document that an American citizen signed in which he agreed to take financial care of a new emigrant for a certain period of years. Since this emigrant was guaranteed, as far as the American Government was concerned this was enough to allow him or her to come to the United States, provided – and this was still another hurdle – the ‘quota’ had not yet been filled. Immediately after the Anschluss my father sent a telegram to his brother asking him to guarantee the family. We got the document a few hours later, and my father took it to the American embassy and asked for an emigration visa.
The policy of the United States was that only a very small number of people from each country would be admitted to the United States. There was a fixed number set for each country. This number was very small and varied greatly from country to country. When my father came to the American embassy with the affidavit, they told him that under the quota for your country he would be able to come into the United States with a slight delay of about six months. At the same time they told him that if he had come a day later he would have had to wait eighty-three years before being admitted to the United States. If he had not immediately rushed to the American embassy in Vienna and had not got in there before certain other people, we would all be dead. It is as simple as that.
So we were stuck in Vienna for six months. That is a period in my life I shall never forget. It is something that cannot be fully comprehended. What is not understood by most people is the difference between one person or a hundred thousand people saying to you, “I don’t like you, get out of here, we hate you.” There is a difference between that and when the state says it. That is very important. All of a sudden there was a government that said, “You people are enemies of the German people. You are dirt, you are poison, you should be exterminated.” The result of that, when it is done publicly, is to encourage all the people who are already anti-Semites to go further. They could directly attacks Jews and would not be put into jail for it. Anti-Semitism was part of the official policy of the state. From that moment on we Jews who lived in Vienna were outlaws.
Every morning my father spent spent half a day at court and in the afternoon he had office hours at home. He would come back and have lunch at home. One day at lunch time my father didn’t come home, and hadn’t telephoned. As the afternoon wore on we got more and more upset. In Vienna at that time people would disappear. They just disappeared and sometimes you found out only later – if at all – what had happened to them. Maybe you found out six months later they had been taken to a concentration camp, or perhaps you never found out. That was the reality of the situation. In the evening my father walked in. I remember he was chalk-white in the face and told us that as he walked to court a truck came by with SA-men in it. They saw him and immediately noticed that he wasn’t wearing a swastika. Now, my father did not look Jewish, if one dares to use this terrible term, but they put him on the truck and took him to a barracks and forced him to wash the floors there. They gave him a pail and a broom and, under their constant supervision, he had to wash the floors all day long. Needless to say my father did not usually wash floors. It was not even the fact that they made him do it but the fact that at that moment during the day he knew his life was in balance, in danger. He did not know how this was going to turn out. They could even kill him or could take him to Dachau, which happened to any number of people in my immediate environment. Or at the end of the day they could send him home. They could say, “Okay, now you have finished, go home.” And that’s what happened in this case. We were very lucky.
Another story is that we were at the end of a very nice evening at this youth movement I belonged to. There were maybe ten of us walking home through one of the beautiful parks. It must have been ten or eleven o’clock at night. All of a sudden a group of young Hitler Youth came towards us in the park. They immediately realized that we were not wearing swastikas. Not just one of us but none of us, so of course they immediately started beating us up. They felt perfectly free to beat us up. People ask, “Why didn’t the Jews defend themselves?” That’s such a terrible misunderstanding of the true situation. The worst you could have done was to defend yourself, to fight back. You practically made certain when you did that you would get killed. You would end up in a concentration camp.
Thus began a whole period during which people wouldn’t even go out, or if they went out they would only get together with family. We were trying to stay home. I’ve begun to think of this entire period as a period of playing Monopoly because that game become very popular among grownups who decided they did not even want to talk to each other. What could you talk about when you are in such a situation? We were in our apartments, shivering, feeling that the end of the world had come.
I had a girlfriend in the youth movement. We were very much in love and would try to be together whenever we could. There was a portion of the Donaukanal, the tributary of the Danube that runs through Vienna, where there were benches along the river. You could sit there and have a good time with each other. You could look at the river. It was very romantic. I remember distinctly how we, on one particular day, walked over to our favorite bench, and there was a sign on it that said ‘Dogs and Jews are not allowed to sit here.’ I cannot reproduce the emotion we felt when we saw that sign. Soon after I came to the United States I lived for two years in Georgia. I was given a scholarship from one of the Jewish Rescue committees. I wanted to study agriculture in order to prepare myself for going to what was then Palestine and is now Israel. That was my idea at that time. I remember the absolute horror I experienced when I went down to Georgia where there was a system of apartheid with blacks completely separated from whites. I went to a movie house and remember signs saying ‘This Water Fountain Is For Whites Only.’ The other water fountain – which was smaller and dirtier - had a sign that said ‘For Blacks Only.’ It was a very important lesson for me. I realized that this business of fascism and discrimination against other human beings is not limited simply to Germans. Until that moment I thought maybe it was something limited to ‘over there,’ but all of a sudden it became, in my mind, an international problem.
I am fairly sure that my father’s brother sent some money to us because my father was not able to be a lawyer any more as soon as the Nazis came in. He had to stop working immediately, and of course that meant there was no income in our family. My mother had not been working. I had not been working, being a student. So the real question was what to do for those six months we had to wait before we could get into the United States. We were deathly afraid to stay in Vienna for this period of time, so my father began to spend all his time trying to find out which countries would admit us for six months. Eventually the black sheep in the family sent ten thousand dollars per person to the Cuban Ministry of the Interior and we were able to get visas to go to Cuba. You have to understand that Cuba was something like the other side of the moon to us. We only vaguely knew it was somewhere near America, but we did not know anything about it. It was literally like saying we are going to the moon for six months.
I do not remember how, but my father was able to leave earlier. He did not want to stay a day longer than he had to. He was so afraid. He had been able to get a visa earlier than me and my mother. My mother had her own mother to worry about, my grandmother. She also lived in Vienna and there was the question of what to do with her, since this grandmother did not get an affidavit from my father’s brother. After all, my father’s brother had his hands full to save as many people as possible of his own immediate family on his parents’ side, so he could not suddenly also guarantee financially to take care of more people in my mother’s family. The first problem was that my poor mother had to make a choice no human being should be forced to make, and she made it. Should she go with her son, try to save her son’s life by going with him to Cuba, or should she stay in Vienna, let the son go by himself and she would try to save the grandmother in some way by being in Vienna and helping her? The grandmother was very old, at least 86 years old at that time. So my mother had this horrible decision to make, and she made the decision in favor of the son and decided to go with me. She would work on saving her mother from America.
So how do you go to Cuba? The logical way would have been to go from Vienna to the Adriatic and to take some kind of a boat from Italy to Cuba. This would have been a fairly short trip and would have taken us from Austria to Italy and then with an Italian boat to Cuba. But it was not allowed. The Nazis insisted that the only way we could go to Cuba would be to use a German boat. How do you get to a German boat from Vienna? The German boats for Cuba left from Hamburg. That meant that we had to go from Vienna to Hamburg to get a German boat. And that also meant that the Nazis would be able to get our money for the fare, both from Vienna to Hamburg by train and from Hamburg to Cuba by boat. The Nazis wanted to get as much money out of each Jew as possible before they let them emigrate. So we had to go through Hitler’s country, the entire length of it, to get to the boat. That was a horrifying thought for my mother and then, when I realized it, for me as well. We were plenty scared as to what would happen on this train trip. Other passengers came in with their swastikas and we would be sitting there without swastikas with this fear for this entire period, the fear of what might happen. Are we going to make it? Are we going to get to Hamburg alive?
When we got to Hamburg my mother had to make several phone calls from a local phone to find out which hotel would accept Jews. Practically none would accept Jews. Finally we did find some terrible hotel that did take Jews, so we stayed all night, worrying. The next day we took this big ship. This is where the surrealist part of the experience comes in. We went on a German luxury liner to Havana. It took several days and nights and – in order to get the most money out of every single Jew – the Nazis had forced us to buy First Class tickets. I had never been in First Class before, and neither had my mother. So we went on this German luxury liner First Class, in a very nice cabin. This is Jews emigrating, right? There was a wonderful restaurant on the boat with wonderful food and we were served like masters, by an old, obedient German crew. That was absolutely bizarre, that Jews, who had just gone through six months of Vienna and what that meant, where we were nothing, we were dirt, and now, all of a sudden, we are sitting here and waiters are all around us.
All of a sudden, in the middle of this trip, begins the Munich crisis about Czechoslovakia. Hitler made a very scary, intimidating speech, which was broadcast by all the loudspeakers and radios on this boat so that wherever we went we would hear it. We could not get away from the screaming. He blamed the Jews for everything and threatened war unless his demands on Czechoslovakia were met. And don’t forget that all the other people who were sitting with us in First Class at those tables were also Jewish emigrants. So here were all these scared, shaken Jews sitting with the German crew standing all around them, serving them, and, while the next dish was being served, Hitler was threatening the entire world with war and attacking the Jews for being at the bottom of it all. We were absolutely convinced that they would throw us overboard. That’s how we saw it. We never thought we would get to Cuba alive because the reaction among the crew would be so strong, “Those goddamed Jews! They sit and we feed them!” It really was absolutely one of the most bizarre, frightening things that ever happened to me.
When we were taken off the boat we were put into a detention camp right next to the boat that was surrounded by barbed wire. All of a sudden we were prisoners. This was our new freedom? We came to a new country, to Cuba, that had sold us visas at huge prices and instead we were put into a camp that made us think of concentration camps with very hard, sort of bunk-style beds and barbed wire all around us, and we could not get out. Why? Well, we found out soon enough why. We were told by the Cuban authorities that the visas, for which we had paid with my uncle’s money, ten thousand dollars each, were invalid and that in order to get into Cuba and to get a valid visa we would each have to pay ten thousand dollars again.
Perhaps others were helped by the refugee organization. I know that in our case it was again that uncle of mine. What was he going to do, let them take us back on a German ship to certain death?
We tried, of course, for several years to get my grandmother out of Austria. She sent pitiful letters in which she begged us to help her. You can imagine what that was like for us. There were always possibilities and there were certain things that were done and all kind of things we attempted, but it just didn’t work out. It just didn’t work out. And then the war came and that was the end. Recently when I was in Vienna I went to the archive of the Austrian resistance movement where there is a book that lists all the people who were taken to Theresienstadt, and sure enough there is my grandmother’s name.
I have to say very honestly that I have never had this feeling or this problem that there is some kind of guilt connected with my having survived. I feel that this is all a matter of pure chance. It’s not that it was the fate of my grandmother to be destroyed by the Nazis and it was my fate to survive. It was purely a matter of circumstance.
I had hoped, while still in Vienna, to go to Palestine with the youth group I belonged to. That was before the Anschluss. And even after the Anschluss I thought I would be able to go with them. But the British were still in charge and they let only a very limited number of people into the country. In my case the British had a quota where only a very small number of young Jews between the ages of fifteen and seventeen were admitted each year into the country. My application was rejected because I was three months too old. This was another traumatic experience for me because my entire group – there must have been something like fifty or seventy-five people maybe – went to Israel, went to Palestine, and I could not. It was at that time, since my life was at risk staying in Vienna, that of course I had to agree to come to the United States and be here with my parents. But once I got here my interest really was to leave, not to stay here but to go to Israel.
I remember I had many misgivings, both in Vienna and in the United States, when I came here, about the role that the Jews played in relation to the Arabs. I was very uneasy about the question of the Arabs, and there were endless discussions in our movement about the Arabs. In fact our youth movement, even at that time, was not in favor of a Jewish state in Israel, but rather of a bi-national state. The Jews and the Arabs together as equals. I felt certain that this was the only possible just solution.
I was constantly trying to get into Palestine. My parents were even willing to let me try to be adopted. Of course they were not happy about my wanting to go to Israel. You can imagine that, particularly after the experience they had just gone through and after losing part of their own families. On the other hand they were very sympathetic to the idea of Israel. They considered themselves to be Zionists too, and felt if that’s what I wanted to do, they wouldn’t stand in my way.
Since none of my plans were working out I slowly began to realize that for a certain period of time I would have to remain in America, and so arose the question of how to make living. My father began to study American law and began to take examinations here. It was quite amazing he did that because first of all he had to learn the language very well, and second it was very difficult to suddenly learn a different kind of law at his age. I think he must have been sixty or older at that time. I had to try and go out and make a living and had all kinds of low-level jobs here.
So I went to Georgia to prepare myself for Israel and the Kibbutz. I wanted to concentrate on one particular field of agriculture, and so I studied all I could about chickens. In English it is called ‘poultry husbandry.’ I also remember taking care of pigs. I came to love these much maligned animals.
But at the same time I was becoming more and more uncomfortable with Zionism. I read more and more about the actual situation in Palestine and finally came to the conclusion that I could no longer consider myself a Zionist. I felt that we were committing a huge injustice against the Arabs. The Arabs were the victims, the Jews were the aggressors. One of history’s great victims, namely the Jews, were suddenly victimizing another people. So much to my sadness I decided that I did not want to go to Palestine, and decided to stay in the United States.
I came back from Georgia. The story with Israel had come to an end. I was going to stay here in New York, and the first thing I did was obtain a scholarship at the newly established New School for Social Research. It was a college that consisted of refugee scholars. I entered their school of politics and, after working during the day, would go to school at night. I was one of their first graduates and eventually got a Bachelor of Arts in politics and economics.
My modest intention was to make the world a better place.
© Egon Humer
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